Why Every Democrat Should Be Watching Michigan
I am a product of purple America.
My first political discussions were with progressive college professors and bunches of retired auto workers complaining about Obamacare at car shows.
I grew up agreeing to disagree and moving on before feelings got hurt. Most people I knew believed that civility, decency, and community ought to be at the core of our society. We knew that our democracy required us to listen to each other.
Donald Trump changed all of that. When he was elected president in 2016, he changed the Michigan I knew. Before the insurrection at the U.S. Capitol, armed militia stormed our state capitol in Lansing over COVID rules. The FBI uncovered plans by far-right extremists to kidnap Governor Whitmer. And every day in Congresswoman Dingell’s office, I talk on the phone with people whose anger about our nation runs so deep that they threaten me with violence.
When Trump flipped Michigan red for the first time since 1988, he did so by stoking anti-establishment sentiment that had been growing for years. Working-class Michiganders felt left behind by the Democratic party and that despite his flaws, Trump was the outsider who would finally hold Washington accountable. Michigan also saw a decline in Black voter turnout that, according to estimates by the Center for American Progress, may have cost Clinton the state.
It should be noted that Michigan is not your average racially homogenous Midwestern state. It ranks 10th in population, boasts agricultural diversity second only to California, and employs over 700,000 people in manufacturing. Michigan was the heart of the labor union as the nation struggled through the Great Depression. Our cities have witnessed great economic hardships and even-greater comebacks. And we have the nation’s largest Arab-American community, plus the cultural mecca of Detroit.
Trump’s outsider appeal, combined with Clinton’s failure to talk about the issues that mattered most to Michiganders and other rust belt states, pushed Michigan swing voters rightward. At the Democratic primary debate in Detroit, not once were automotive and trade issues mentioned. Clinton never campaigned at a Michigan Union Hall. The results were stark: working-class white voters turned out for Trump at higher than typical rates, and Black and Latino voters were not captivated by the Democratic message.
Over the last four years, a storm of good things happened for Michigan Democrats, including reformed electoral maps decided by an independent redistricting commission and an influx of strategic campaign funding for state races.
But, still, it was a renewed messaging strategy that especially resonated with voters. The results were significant, and Democrats across the country should take note.
On November 8, Michiganders not only re-elected a Democratic governor, Attorney General, and Secretary of State, but Democrats now have full control over the Michigan government for the first time since 1982. As a result, Michigan’s legislature and Governor are positioned to actually make policy, and they have already offered plans to expand civil rights, strengthen environmental protections, and reform state taxes.
Michigan’s gubernatorial race might be the best example of this strategy. Incumbent Governor Gretchen Whitmer executed an 11-point win over Trump-backed businesswoman Tudor Dixon. The Governor focused her campaign on pushing against republican extremism, protecting reproductive access, rebuilding infrastructure (“fix the damn roads!”), and her investments in education. Dixon, on the other hand, emphasized her support of an abortion ban, teaching about race in public schools, and reducing transgender rights.
Jessica Floyd, President at American Bridge, recently told me that a survey of suburban women found that they spend an average of 4 minutes a week thinking about politics. Women in Michigan didn’t want to wake up every morning worrying about whether their government was going to ruin their day. They wanted a government that focused more on their day-to-day lives than fighting culture wars.
Whitmer’s campaign epitomized a message rooted in governing. Instead of using rights like reproductive autonomy as pawns, Whitmer made it clear that her role as Governor was to fix roads, grow the economy, and protect fundamental rights.
Another example is Senator-elect Kristen McDonald Rivet, who won a contested state senate seat in a purple district. The Senator-elect recently said, “It’s not about local politics. It was about people’s day-to-day. Local is not quite the right word… I started a lot of my stump speeches with ‘you know politics doesn’t have to be this way.’ And it resonated, probably because I actually believe it.”
Democrats in Michigan focused on the issues that mattered to working people. They connected abortion access to the strength of our economy. They campaigned on the idea that Americans should not be concerned about the government taking away their fundamental freedoms on a whim.
For Democrats to win in the years to come, look to Michigan. And follow its lead.
